CULTURAL COMPETENCY
文化能力
Below you will first arrive at an essay discussing food pollution in China, then a piece discussing the Tibetan Chinese conflict. The final piece discusses the lasting influence of Han Yu's literature on Chinese culture and morality.
下面你将首先讨论中国食品污染的文章，然后讨论西藏中国冲突。 最后一篇论述韩愈文学对中国文化和道德的持久影响。
DEVELOPING AGRICULTURAL SUSTAINABILITY IN MODERN CHINA
PSC 407 Political Systems in China
This project engages China's developing environmental plans specifically as they relate to farming and food security.
THE FUTURE OF TIBETAN TRADITION
PSC 407 Political Systems in China
Inspired by my experience in Tibetan communities, this article illustrates the severity of the continually developing Chinese-Tibetan conflict while demonstrating my ability to critically assess and inform about major political conflicts.
HAN YU'S MORAL INFLUENCE OF CHINA
CHIN 401 Pre-Modern Chinese Literature
Han Yu's influence on Chinese morality is widespread and indisputable. His numerous works assert a variety of principles that provide context for Chinese culture, as discussed in my paper.
DEVELOPING AGRICULTURAL SUSTAINABILITY IN MODERN CHINA
Developing sustainable agriculture in China requires consideration of multiple complex issues including the quality and quantity of the food produced, the resources required to produce the food, and the pollution generated. As a result, China must not only develop comprehensive plans but also must employ them or risk destroying their environment past the point of repair. China’s biggest conflict in developing a system of sustainable agriculture is sacrificing the speed at which it urbanizes. Currently, China is investing more in urban industrialization than sustainable agriculture because of the immediate benefits industrialization begets upon the economy. However, as China’s current population of 1.4 billion rapidly grows, all of these environmental considerations must be balanced in order to support China’s long-term independence.
To begin with discussing China’s future ability to provide both high quality and quantity of food for its citizens, one must consider the variable of China’s rapid urbanization and plan to continue urbanizing. Over the last thirty years, one out of every four people who migrated from a rural area to a city worldwide was in China (Zheng, Kahn. 2013). Additionally, in 1960 33% of the world’s population domiciled in cities whereas in 2010, this percentage was 50.5%. (Zheng, Kahn. 2013). This trend of decreasing population in rural areas offers a threat to food security.
This decrease in rural population poses a direct threat to the quantity of food produced, because of the decrease of labor, but also poses an indirect threat to the quality of the food because although farmers now occupy a smaller percentage of the population, they are still expected to provide enough food for the whole population. In order to provide, farmers have developed the usage of techniques that often sacrifice quality for quantity, such as the use of pesticides, and failing to properly clean the food or properly dispose of waste materials. If these malpractices continue, eventually these farmlands will be destroyed and the surrounding air and waterways will also no longer be of healthy quality. With the development of more efficient farming tools, farming has become significantly more efficient in mass production over the past 50 years. Although the ratio of resources to food output has been improved, the quality of the food has sharply decreased with farmers using unhealthy growing and processing methods in order to increase the quantity of their production.
However, China has made some efforts to become a part of the green ecology movement as early as the 1980’s. This Eco-movement emphasized resource efficiency and control of pollution but did not provide product quality requirements. In the late 1980’s China began producing certified Organic foods. In 1990, organic Chinese foods were put on the market in Europe for the first time (Yi, et. Al. 2001).
Because of China’s history as a more rural society, China has a series of advantages in potentially progressing as a world leader in sustainable agriculture. For example, for hundreds of years, China has been planting a diverse variety of crops that, if used in a rotational system of farming, could allow maximization of output without depleting the soil of essential nutrients. With a very geographically diverse geography, China is also suitable to produce a wide variety of crops. Additionally, China’s enormous population provides ample labor to produce such crops. Additionally, the China’s government has assisted standardize and guide the production of “eco-friendly” products.
Additionally, this development of sustainable production of agriculture could benefit China’s economy long term because the demand for environmentally friendly crops is increasing in demand worldwide due to a concern for global warming and minimizing carbon footprint. So although shortsightedly it would be better for China’s economy to continue producing low quality food, if China were to invest today in environmentally sustainable practices, they would be on track to generate more income in the long term.
China does not deny the relevance of environmental protection on their future success and have initiated several policies and laws in order to combat climate change and destruction of agricultural lands. A large part of their commitment has been their contribution and commitment to Agenda 21.
Agenda 21 is a plan of action developed in 1993 by the United Nations and collaboration of efforts from countries all over the world. The plan is split into 40 chapters with 4 overarching sections: Section I: Social and Economic Dimensions, Section II: Conservation and Management of Resources for Development, Section III: Strengthening the Role of Major Groups, and Section IV: Means of Implementation. Each country involved drafted and solidified a specific plan on how to improve their sustainability. In China, the Agenda 21 inspired the Ministry of Forestry to create the Forestry Action Plan which implemented more sustainable foresting processes. The State Oceanic Administration created China's Ocean Agenda 21 and China's National Environment Protection Agency formulated China’s overall, comprehensive Environmental Protection plan. Lastly the Ministry of Water Resources drafted China's Agenda 21 on Water Resources. China also, instead of immediately implementing the environmental policies nationwide, used Beijing Municipality, Hubei Province, and Guizhou Province to test the effects of Agenda 21’s economic and social consequences (Institutional Aspects of Sustainable Development in China).
Specifically, China formulated the “Programme for Controlling the Total Amount of Main Pollutants during the Ninth Five-Year Plan” which implemented strict policies on the 12 main pollutants, the “China Trans-Century Green Project” which focused on a wide variety of issues including “areas with critical pollution problems, river basins, and some fundamental environmental problems, and particularly focusses on the water pollution of three rivers (Huaihe River, Haihe River, and Liaohe River), three lakes (Taihu Lake, Dianchi Lake, and Chaohu Lake), and acid rain in southwestern, central, southern, and eastern China, as well as on air pollution in 20 key cities” (Institutional Aspects of Sustainable Development in China). Lastly China implemented the “Ninth Five-Year Plan and the Long-Term Objectives for the Year 2010 on Land and Water Conservation” emphasizing land and water conservation specifically of China’s largest seven river valleys. In 33 major areas, national land and water conservation projects should be implemented to inhibit the continuation of land erosion, and projects initiated to protect an extra 650 thousand square kilometers of land by slowing erosion.
In order to implement these major overarching policies, China decided to delegate the tasks to the provincial level, so the provinces could implement the policies that best applied to their livelihood and individualize the course of actions. Additionally, China in an effort to integrate the principles of environmental conservation into the economy as well as incentivize environmentally sustainable production set forth a series of suggestions in the Ninth Five-ear and Long-Term Objectives for the Year 2010. Some of the suggestions to the provinces included: “promote shifting in economic development” by monetarily incentivizing environmentally friendly projects. Other suggestions include implementing an increased emphasis on science and technology to develop technological tools to help minimize pollution as well as research the causes and effects of environmentally damages processes. The Act calls for increased regulation of and higher taxes on the companies that contribute the most pollution. Additionally, it highlights the importance of inter-provincial cooperation. Another key component of the list of suggestions educating the public on the consequences of environmentally negative practices through newspapers and campaigning to increase public participation. The bill also emphasizes the importance of incorporating these practices into preexisting economic structures in order to increase the likelihood of maintaining economic stability while concurrently increasing the chances of the environmental policies meeting the demands of the people. In order to best meet the needs of the residents, the plan proposes implementing cohesive environmental plans on every level of government structure from national to local.
The link between China’s national plan and the international implementation of Agenda 21 is China’s Administrative Centre for China’s Agenda 21 (ACCA 21). This organization is responsible for providing public awareness training materials and serve as a consultant for struggling regions. Additionally, China’s International Training Centre for Sustainable Development (CITCSD) was organized in order to provide administrative training and promote awareness of environmental issues. However, despite these two group’s efforts and the list of suggestions from the Beijing government, many provinces have not implemented many long term economically sustainable practices due to the initial investment cost in these practices.
However, twelve of the twenty most polluted cities in the world are in China (Zheng, Kahn. 2013). Additionally, only “1% of China’s urban population lives in cities that meet the European Union’s air quality standard” (Zheng, Khan. 2013). And the effects of these pollution can be seen on a global scale, as exemplified by the carbon emissions China produces that destroy the ozone, as well as on a local scale as seen by the local Chinese people not having access to safely consumable foods. However these major environmental issues are often masked by a series of Chinese tactics that distort the severity of their polluted living situation.
For example, in many Chinese cities, per capita income is used as the indicator of quality of life. However, when the GDP is prioritized over the environmental health of the city, the quality of life in such cities often is grossly overstated. Additionally, these environmental issues are often not reported on Chinese public news, leaving citizens uninformed on the issues.
However, China’s most recent amendment to the Environmental Protection Law (EPL) is said to be China’s strictest environmental law ever. These amendments are said emphasize “creating higher environmental protection standards, stiffer penalties for polluters, and give more powers to environmental authorities” (International Policy Digest). This new legislation warrents violators of the act to be detained for fifteen days. Additionally, within companies it is now easier to fire and demote minor violators.
Another large problem with the old Chinese policy is that there was a cap to the fines that could be paid for environmental violations. Therefore, large companies found it more economically efficient to accept the monetary fine for the violation and continue to violate the law freely. However, the new legislature passed in 2016 removed that cap so that the fine continues to compound as the pollution does. Additionally, the government now has implemented a policy of cutting the utilities, or even destroying the equipment of repeat offenders. Large companies found outside of the parameters of the law will be given six months to adjust to the law and after that, if they are still performing illegal methods, will be shut down.
The goal of this environmental law implementation is to take China’s previously weak laws and give them the support they need to be effective. Additionally, China wants to hold the offenders accountable and reduce the overcapacity in the coal, cement, and steel industries, which are three of the industries that contribute to pollution the most.
It is difficult to say the exact impacts that this increased law will have on China and whether or not it will successfully be enforced. It is clear that if strictly enforced, most of Chinese businesses will require a fundamental restructuring of their spending. For example, 62 aluminum smelters in China are responsible for about 80% of Chinese aluminum and have all violated China’s air pollution standards, which some facilities, such as Xinfa’s Shandong plant, even producing eight times the legal limit.
In addition to the fact that the law would require cooperation from systematic offenders, it would also be difficult for the national government to monitor and punish offenders. While in theory, the local governments would be of assistance, in practice most of the local governments are more concerns with the increase of their GDP and their immediate economic well being as opposed to the long term health of their cities. Additionally because local governments control their budgets and appoint the staff, there is a large motivation to ignore the environmental laws. This noncompliance of local leaders has been a major challenge for the implementation of Chinese environmental policies.
This noncompliance is exemplified by the recent scandal revealing 173 steel firms in China have been violating Chinese environmental law unpunished. This scandal was enabled by Chinese local officials who turned a blind eye or in some cases, accepted bribes to stay quiet about the breeching of environmental laws. Even former Ministry of Environmental Protection (MEP) vice minister Zhang Lijun was found guilty of selling false quality control certifications and for selling fake monitoring equipment. He was subsequently kicked out of the Chinese Communist Party, but even so, represented China’s deep rooted corruption. Additionally, as Chinese companies continues to violate environmental laws, they run competition from surrounding countries out of business, negatively effecting their economies by forcing many of these businesses to close.
China has taken many important steps in order to start improving their environmental pollution situation. However, until the corruption within the local governments and a concrete structure on how to implement the laws can be established, it is difficult to say whether long lasting progress will be made. However, it appears that is the Chinese national government is able to establish liability to the violators and enforce punishments for violators that China will be able to make environmental progress.
THE FUTURE OF TIBETAN TRADITION
Ancient Buddhist Monasteries, Mount Everest, and colorful prayer flags draped across yak-filled plains may be the first images that come to mind when envisioning Tibet, but tenacious Tibetan people bring this vision to life. Not only do the Tibetans find home on the “the roof of the world,” the highest inhabited elevation on earth, but they persisted despite decades of Chinese oppression. While Tibet’s right to sovereignty remains debated, the Chinese government’s violation of Tibetan human rights and legal agreements is internationally recognized. Despite these violations, his Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan traditional political and religious leader, does not campaign for Tibetan sovereignty. Instead, the Dalai Lama promotes genuine Tibetan autonomy and self-determination under the Seventeen Point Agreement that established political boundaries between Tibet and The People’s Republic of China in 1951.
In 1949, just two years before the Seventeen Point Agreement, the Chinese Communist Party triumphed over decades of brutal civil war and Japanese invasion. Mao Zedong, the leader of the Communist Party, aimed to unite dozens of Chinese ethnic groups across language barriers and almost four million square miles. The 1951 Seventeen Point Agreement was Chairman Mao’s attempt to integrate Tibet into the Communist Regime. Some historians argue Tibet existed as an independent state before 1951 and was coerced into the Seventeen Point agreement; therefore under international law, Tibet possesses a right to sovereignty. Conversely, some claim China maintained jurisdiction over Tibet for centuries, and the Seventeen Point agreement only confirmed the expectations between the newly established Communist Party and the Tibetans. From this perspective, if the Chinese government maintained the terms of the treaty, the Chinese, legally, still bear jurisdiction over Tibet.
However, even with the assumption that the agreement was legitimately enacted, the Chinese government consistently breaches the terms by imposing religious and political sanctions upon Tibetans. The agreement states “the Tibetan people have the right of exercising national regional autonomy under the unified leadership of the Central People’s Government”, then specified “the functions and powers of the Dalai Lama” remain intact. Although the Chinese government claimed power over international affairs, the agreement called for freedom concerning domestic Tibetan affairs: “in matters related to various reforms in Tibet, there will be no compulsion on the part of the Central Authorities.” Soon after the Chinese government signed the agreement, their military clashed with Tibetan rebels; eight years after signing the agreement, Tibet’s capital Lhasa erupted in protest. Thousands of Tibetans fled to the Dalai Lama’s home to provide protection from Chinese police forces. The Dalai Lama fled to Dharamsala, India where, since his escape in 1959, he maintains his work with the Tibetan Government in Exile.
In response to the 1959 rebellion, the International Court of Justice of the United Nations reported, “Violation of the 1951 Agreement by China can be regarded as a release of the Tibetan government from its obligations, with the result that Tibet regained the sovereignty which she surrendered under that Agreement.” The report found China guilty of genocide against the Tibetan people with intent to suppress their culture and religion. However, the Chinese government’s convicted behaviors continued as international law remains unable to exercise force to combat them. Chinese law enforcement burned thousands of ancient Tibetan holy texts, ransacked ancient monasteries, and outlawed symbols of Tibet. Communist cadres were stationed in every monastery, along with photos of Mao Zedong, which are still required today. Government officials conducted home searches and those found in possession of illegal Tibetan paraphernalia were pulled from their homes and shot in the streets. The Tibetan Government in Exile reports that Tibetan deaths under Chinese Occupations, from years 1949 through 1979, total 1,207,387, including torture in prison, execution, death in combat, starvation, suicide, and “struggling” to death.
More recently, in March of 2008 as China prepared to host the Beijing Olympics, monks from three major monasteries in Lhasa protested while displaying the traditional Tibetan flag. Prior to 2008, the most recent monks to display the traditional flag were were shot through the head on sight in the 1980s. When the 2008 protesters encountered Chinese enforcement, they were beaten and imprisoned. Riots erupted in retaliation that left 22 Chinese dead, 325 injured, and an estimated 280 million Chinese RMB (42 million USD) in damages. The Tibetan casualties remain uncertain because the Chinese government still denies the use of lethal force in the 2008 riots and because following the incident, Chinese-dominated hospitals denied many Tibetans healthcare, obfuscating the death toll.
To understand how Chinese laws oppress Tibetan culture specifically, one must examine specific policies regarding schooling, religion, and legal procedures. Chinese policy requires Mandarin to be spoken in Tibetan classrooms, and history and culture classes often only cover Mainland China. The Mandarin requirement supposedly diversifies students’ opportunities, but many Tibetans refute that this practice destroys their language, as more Tibetans today possess Mandarin literacy than in their native Tibetan dialect. Additionally, most schools with accelerated programs are located in Mainland China, leading Tibetan parents to suspect the government exhibits an ulterior motive in providing these advanced schools. Of the boarding schools available, many manipulate the Tibetan students, limiting phone calls home and teaching anti-Tibetan propaganda. Some also suspect that the relocation of Tibetan students aids in preventing Tibetan protests, as Tibetans will fear the consequences for their children in Mainland China. As a result, many Tibetans feel morally conflicted over the choice to send their child to a boarding school, providing career opportunities outside of their village, or keep them home to maintain their Tibetan identity.
In addition to the education restrictions, restrictions targeting Tibetan Buddhism, the foundation of Tibetan culture, have proved some of the most controversial. Although the Chinese government is officially atheist, it often restricts religious expression for its 56 ethnic groups. For example, in July of 2017, China outlawed organized religious practice for all government employees, over 90 million people. Another Chinese law passed in 2007 banned “illegal reincarnation.” Since the law passed, each Chinese citizen must undergo an extensive legal process to reincarnate or face prosecution. Some believe that this policy aims to stop the centuries-old influence of the Dalai Lama when the current Dalai Lama passes, as the Chinese government labels the current Dalai Lama a “terrorist” by and would not receive permission to reincarnate. Traditionally, before he dies, the Dalai Lama reveals where he will reincarnate and which monks identify his incarnation. The current Dalai Lama stated that upon his death, the Tibetan people should decide if they would like to recognize the next incarnation or not, with either solution acceptable.
However, even ancient Tibetan traditions that appear still in effect, such as the role of the Panchen Lama, underwent manipulation by Chinese influence. Behind the Dalai Lama, the Panchen Lama traditionally served as Tibet’s second in command. After the Dalai Lama was exiled, the Panchen Lama continued to live as a figurehead in Tibet under Chinese rule. In 1989 the 10th Panchen Lama died. From exile, in accordance with tradition, the Dalai Lama identified the 11th Panchen Lama when the Panchen Lama was six years old. Three days after the identification, the Chinese Government took him into custody under claims that his appointment was illegal. At the time of his abduction, the six year old Panchen Lama became the youngest political prisoner in the world. To this day the Chinese claim the now twenty-eight year old is alive and well, receiving an education, happy, and with his family, although his whereabouts remain secret for his own safety. With complete disregard of Tibetan tradition, the Beijing government appointed a substitute Panchen Lama whom many Tibetans refuse to recognize. He frequently speaks out in favor of Tibetan submission to the Communist Party. However, a designated representative from the Beijing Government possesses the final authority in Tibetan affairs, even above the Panchen Lama.
Tibetans not only face religious, political, and educational persecution, but also isolation from the outside world through travel restrictions and strict limitations on hosting tourists. Many Tibetans who arranged to study Buddhism in the neighboring countries India and Nepal had their passports confiscated or were denied a passport upon application. Tibetans applying to travel or recieve education abroad often complete the expensive process only to be denied a passport. Tourism into the Tibetan region stays limited to group trips approved by the Chinese government, which require visitors to obtain special approvals and pay additional fees. The destinations available to these tourist groups also limits the trip. Some consider this isolation an attempt to silence the Tibetan objections to Chinese dominance.
While the future of Tibet remains uncertain, the Tibetan Government in Exile maintains hope. When asked in March of 2017 about his hopes for the future of Tibet, the Dalai Lama responded “In the future, I always hope Tibet will be a democratic, elected leadership. Power of people, People’s power, will win.” The current Prime Minister of the Tibetan Government in Exile, Lobsang Sangay, explained this optimism, in March of 2017 as well, stating “Buddhism is two thousand five hundred plus years old. Communism is just, what? One hundred years old? All one-party rule is less than one hundred years old. There is no competition.” When confronted by the reality that the Chinese government represents an economic superpower, historically unwilling to compromise, the Prime minister responded “Tibetans see China in a different way… We have lived side by side for thousands of years so we kind of know them better than anyone in the world. So hence we don’t fear China. We are not amazed by China. We know exactly what they are doing. Our time will come; our opportunity will come.” Only time will tell whether the Dalai Lama and the Prime Minister's optimisms are justified.
HAN YU'S MORAL INFLUENCE OF CHINA
I am currently working on this piece and look forward to sharing it upon completion!